The Chu of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods and the Chu of the late Qin and early Han periods shared the same name, but in fact territory that was designated by the name had changed greatly. The turning point is thought to be in the shift of the capital from Ying 郢 in the Jianghan region to the Chen 陳 in the Huaihe river basin to the east. However, the Chu of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods has been regarded uncritically as linked directly to Chu of the late Qin and early Han periods because there has not been much scholarly interest devoted to the geographic shift. This article elucidates the difference in the territorial extent of Chu before and after the eastward shift, and on the basis of those findings elucidates a new aspect of the turmoil of the late Qin and early Han period. This article chiefly relies on the Ejun Qi jie 鄂君啓節 as primary source material. The Ejun Qi jie was a bronze certificate exempting its holder from transist taxes and it was issued by King Huai of the Chu in 322 BC. It contained an inscription indicating the broad expanse of territory within which the holder was tax exempt. The easternmost extent of this territory had been thought to be the Qingyi River 靑弋江. However, the Sources of Asian Chinese History research seminar have denied this and identified the easternmost extent of the territory at Xiacai 下蔡, Juchao 居巢 , and Zongyang 樅陽 on the basis of latest study of the Chu script. Working on this premise, in this article I compare the extent of Chu power that can be retrieved from written records and the tax exempt territory on the Ejun Qi jie, and make clear that the tax exempt territory corresponded to Chu's security zone, that the territory east of the tax exempt territory was the frontline for Chu against Yue 越 and the Jiuyi 九夷. In other words, in the mid Warring States period Yue and Jiuyi still occupied the lower basin of the Huaihe and Changjiang. Chu subdued all of Huainan and established its rule in Jiangtong in the late Warring States period after it moved eastward to Chen. The main territory that was known as Chu during the late Qin and early Han period had therefore not been included within the territory of the Chu of the mid Warring States period, which was incorporated in one fell swoop in the late Warring States period. Thus representative figures of Chu power in the late Qin such as Chen She, Xiang Yu, and Liu Bang did not actually inherit the Chu of Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, but were figures from after the transfer of Chu to the east, and the fact that each of them raised troops from territory east of the tax exempt lands on the Ejun Qi jie, is extremely suggestive in this regard. When it thus becomes possible to distinguish the Chu of the late Qin and early Han from the Chu of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, the connection to the Rebellion of the Seven States comes to mind, it is necessary to observe that the two largest revolts in ancient Chinese history both arose from the same region.